The great divide, the Wall  Street and the Main Street, is becoming stark everyday. This affects  democracy, which is not class-neutral.
There is now  not a gulf, but ocean of difference between the CEOs’ bonuses and the  farm workers’ wages: “Even CEOs think CEOs are overpaid” (Reuters, Dec.  19, 2008), and: “Fatal Sunshine: The Plight of California's Farm  Workers” (Time, early- August, 2009). Geyer and Rihani observe: “Western  democratic systems have not reached a state of perfection …the danger  signs are steadily mounting.” (“Complexity Theory and the Fundamental  Challenges to Democracy in the 21st Century”, April 10-13, 2000)
Democracy  of the dominant classes is in crisis both in the centre and in the  periphery giving rise to the fear of being toppled down. This reality  has pushed the centre to embark on campaign for democracy in the  peripheral societies and in the newly won turf in east and central  Europe and in central Asia. “A democracy campaign should become an  increasingly important and highly cost-effective component of … the  defense effort of the United States” (Raymond D Gastil, “Aspects of a  U.S. Campaign for Democracy”, in Ralph M Goldman and William A Douglas  (eds.), Promoting Democracy: Issues and Opportunities, Praeger, 1988).  So, “[t]he cold warriors gave way to the political operatives of the  ‘democracy network’, who launched their global ‘democracy offensive’”  (William I Robinson, A Faustian Bargain, Westview Press, 1992).
But  the seeds of contradiction refuse to die down in the societies divided  along class interests that carry the seeds of crisis. The seeds of  contradiction are embedded in the economic interests, in the  appropriation of entire society by the dominant few. Exposed cases of  manipulating state machine by interest groups confirm Lenin: “[F]inance  capital, in its drive to expand, can ‘freely’ buy or bribe the freest  democratic or republican government and the elective officials of any,  even an ‘independent country’” (vol. 22, p.144). Other crises,  especially the financial crisis, when, in the words of Franklin D  Roosevelt, “Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted  in the court of public opinion” (First Inaugural Address, 1933), have  worsened the situation and have sharpened the line of conflict.
Despite  the manipulations with the slogan of democracy, with the slogan of a  political system which is accountable and transparent, and despite  efforts to hide the interest of the globalizing capital under the cloak  of democracy the efforts provide breathing space, at times and in  relative terms, for people under absolute autocratic rule and create  scope for maneuver for people’s movement, depending on maturity of the  movement. A wide environment allows space, through legislation of  democratic, human, labor, ethnic, gender rights, etc., and/or  possibilities for creating space by the dominated for broader, open and  conscious debates, initiatives and struggles. This is the importance of  the political arrangement for facilitating “democracy”.
Practices  with democratic norms and rules including accountability and  transparency engenders democratic aspirations among the masses, create  institutions conducive to democracy; but at certain point of development  the striving for democracy by the masses and the denial of it by the  dominant interests will intensify conflict along economic interest line.
Whatever  the geostrategic game and its needs for satellites under the umbrella  of imposed democracy the yearnings of people around the world for a  democratic system do not get lost. The onslaught of capital, yesterday  wearing the mask of neo-liberalism, today of the public-private  partnership, and tomorrow, most possibly, going back to the neo-cons, to  the private sector, is consistently increasing as its crises are  compelling it to intensify the offensive in search of a recourse to its  problems. Thirst for accumulation is driving capital to reckless game  and thus bringing imperil in the lives of the people. Thus, it tries to  distort peoples’ efforts for a democratic life by manipulating and  misguiding peoples’ aspirations, with its vast resources. This creates  the biggest crisis in the arena of democracy for the people. The spirit  of democracy gets lost by capital’s grip over the entire globe. Other  crises created by the dominant capital have made people’s struggle for  democracy difficult, have created threat to people’s initiatives to  organize democratic system.
Capital cannot tolerate  people’s democratic life as it is opposed to the interests of capital.  The overwhelming power of capital spread over the globe in collaboration  with its compradors is the biggest obstacle to people’s initiatives, to  their striving for democracy.
People at the same  time are facing other crises. In many places the physical existence of  people are facing threat either due to climate change, the extreme  weather, loss of habitat and crop land, forests, washing away of  infrastructure built up with people’s money, or due to ethnic, and other  clashes fanned by capital in its quest for strategic resources. This  situation obscures the fundamental question of democracy: “of the  people, by the people, for the people”, the hope Lincoln expressed in  his Gettysburg address, the rule of the majority, not the aggrandizing  absolute minority. The near-complete globalization by capital has thus  created the crisis of democracy. But, Whitman’s Song resonates:
I celebrate myself, and sing myself,
And what I assume you shall assume,
For every atom belonging to me as good as
belongs to you.
And what I assume you shall assume,
For every atom belonging to me as good as
belongs to you.
(Song of Myself)
[This is the concluding part, slightly modified, of a chapter from The Age of Crisis, 2009.]
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