Incidents of plunder in
the Bangladesh society narrate the state of the labor and the dominant
capital in the land. It’s neither the creation of a person or a group of
persons nor of a particular party or parties, but of the dominant
capital dictating the terms of incidents in economy, society, culture,
education and ideology, governance and politics.
Resources plundered and appropriated by entire
dominant segments, formally and informally, were created by entire
classes in the entire society.
A wide allegory can be found in the Taj Mahal on the
banks of the Yamuna. A section in this world turns amazed while they
stand in front of the Mughal mantrap as it catches their love-thirsty
senses. Another section sympathetically searches sweat and tears of only
the workers, who were compelled to bend their backs to erect the
edifice of governance. A mechanical, micro view indeed! But, the surplus
labor of entire classes in the society robbed, appropriated and
expropriated that enabled the rulers construct the Taj Mahal, Fatehpur
Sikri, the forts and palaces in hearts and corners of the empire gets
lost from the sympathetic “mind”-sight.
Broadly, the same type of concretion goes on in the
Bangladesh society. Whatever has been plundered, appropriated, tricked,
taken back by plunderers, appropriators, lenders and “donors” as booty,
profit, privilege, perk, interest, rent were produced by entire classes
in Bangladesh and by labor from Bangladesh working in far flung corners
of the world. The volume of profit, pilferage, repaid loan, reinvested
money, luxury, wastage signifies the volume of surplus value generated
by labor in the entire society. In exchange, the toilers are scrapped
without paying any value; the fact that exposes the toilers’ dominated
position and the dominating capital’s commanding location.
A “bit” more barbarous narration is hidden in the
account of labor from Bangladesh that toils abroad. The labor there
slices out a portion it was paid for its necessary labor time, and the
sliced out portion is sent back home, the remittance, for consumption by
its dependents. This consumption in home and abroad is essential for
capital as it helps regenerate capital. The economy feels assured with
the remittance, and the mainstream makes itself glorified with the
cumulated currency sent by labor working abroad, at times in inhuman
condition. It’s, as Marx observed in Grundrisse, the toilers have been
“stripped of all value” although their labor power has value. Mainly
dominant segments appropriate that remitted money, which was paid to
labor to keep itself alive as labor power is required to produce profit.
A shameless and cruel face of dominant segments gets exposed.
It also shows a failure of the dominant segments of
the society. Dominant segments fail to employ labor in home and depend
on exporting labor although the country requires labor as there is so
much work to do – encounter poverty, illiteracy, declining quality of
education, diseases, inhuman slum life, defaced environment, suicidal
pattern and trend of urbanization, loss of crop lands, forest and water
bodies and many similar important and urgent tasks!
In the face of this degradation, the people are
paying. They are paying increasingly for medical treatment, education
and housing, for defaced environment and ecology, for pilferage by and
luxury of a few; they are paying in home and abroad. And, they are
paying for circumstances rife with instability and uncertainty, plunder
and corruption.
The ways the people pay is a known fact. They pay
with the surplus value produced by entire classes in the entire society.
Ultimately, it’s the labor that produces the surplus value that reaches
to all others and taken away by others through a number of “conveyor
belts”. Labor power generating surplus value is there whether it’s toll
extorted by a hoodlum or deceit-money tricked by a bank-buster or fees
charged for trading education and health care or diamond encrusted
ornaments sold in newly-inaugurated diamond outlets or a luxurious party
of feast or many Mahals, palaces, or super shopping malls or interest,
service charge.
This is the allurement. This, the surplus value,
allures. Capitals from home and abroad move in, expand its net, trick,
fraud, forgery, and construct facades that hide its motive and moves.
The journey started decades back, immediately-after
the indomitable Bangladesh people formally defeated the occupying
Pakistan army on the Sixteenth of December, 1971, a day as bright as sun
in the history of the nation. A large transfer of property took place
with a far-reaching consequence. With an investment ceiling of only a
few hundreds of thousands of Taka, the Bangladesh currency, the local
capital’s journey ensued. The amount was small, but the promise was big.
And, capital began its plunder, robbing, maneuvering, political tricks,
and the acts of hurting and humiliating the people. The investment
ceiling gradually was obliterated as the dominating segments were
accumulating money-power. The more the surplus value was produced the
more intense turned the drive by capital.
With intensified drive by capital the dominating
segments broke down into factions, and the competition between the
factions turned crueler and bloodier – conspiracies and killings in
politics. Its drive in the arena of economy took political form loaded
with incapacity to resolve its internal contradictions.
Politics faithfully followed the path charted by the
dominating segments factionalized by competing “hunger”. Each of the
factions of the dominating segments denies democratization for the other
competitor that ultimately takes away democratic space of the masses.
The roots are in economic interest, which is ultimately class interest.
So, it was an act by dominating segments, but concocted neither by any
person or persons nor by a party or two.
Individual or individuals play significant role at
junctures of history with favorable perspective. But, they alone can’t
shape history, can’t determine path of politics and can’t define
functions in economy. “General historical circumstances are stronger
than the strongest individuals”, said Plekhanov in his essay “On the
Role of the Individual in History”. It’s class or segments that act
decisively or falteringly as it try to take hold of helm to advance its
interest.
The reality got articulated in politics, in
constitutionalism going on for decades. The politics of the dominant
capital houses many homo nullius coloris, man of no color. These crème
de la crème, cream of the cream, play significant role in politics and
they stand for the common ground of the competing factions of the
dominating capital.
Although the segments representing the dominating
capital fail to devise an arrangement acceptable to all its factions to
divide surplus value but they jointly resort to manipulations, where the
dominant and the dominated are equal in abstract democratic
pronunciations yet unequal in real power and privilege. The dominant
segments try to practice democratic manipulation but lack tools and
skills required for manipulation. A deceptive formal democracy, as Marx
told in Grundrisse, “turn out to be inequality and unfreedom”, where
labor is not free, but the plunderer, the appropriator has all the
freedom.
A degeneration of democracy of the dominant
interests pervades the society, where free is plunderer-power,
appropriation-tools and deception techniques exercised and used by the
dominant capital and bonded is the labor. The consequential reality is,
as Marx observed in The Poverty of Philosophy, “the freedom of capital
to crush the workers.”
Constitutionalism practiced by the dominating
interests is shaped by these interests imperfect within. As dominant
segments are not stable with its constitutionalism they deny
democratization of political life. In the political arena,
feudal-absolutism dominates.
Sometimes, to secure dominant position, faction or
factions of the dominating segments mobilize people by mongering popular
demands. But, the crisis, the degeneration, of democracy denies
departing the hall of constitutionalism. At times, the dominating
capital’s three branches of governance, like tria juncta in uno, three
things in one or a single heart in three bodies, engage in quarrels with
one another, one tries to nullify the other, and that spreads into the
area of its constitutionalism; at times, it infringes people’s
democratic space; and at times, it stands against pronouncements it
regularly proclaims. The acts are directed neither by a single person
nor by a single party, but by the competing interests of the dominating
segments, and the interests define their constitutionalism. Thus
standing on a degenerating base and resorting to contradictory acts its
constitutionalism continues distorting its own democracy.
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